In November we revisited many consequential and interesting moments in Ghanaian history. Check out some of the topics that we covered below!
In November we revisited many consequential and interesting moments in Ghanaian history. Check out some of the topics that we covered below!
December 8, 1984, Ghana’s Azumah Nelson won Ghana’s second world title in boxing after defeating Wilfredo Gomez to win the WBC featherweight strap at the Hiram Bithorn Stadium in San Juan, Puerto Rico.
Nelson stopped the Puerto Rican in round 11 of their scheduled 12-rounder. The fight was Nelson’s second world title shot.
The Ghanaian first world title was against then WBC featherweight champion Salvador Sanchez on July 21, 1982, Nelson was stopped in round 15.
The Sánchez-Nelson fight would be Salvador Sánchez’s last fight, as he died almost two months later after suffering a car accident in Mexico City.
In his next fight, Nelson knocked out fringe contender Irving Mitchell in eight rounds.
Nelson won all four of his fights in 1983, and he began 1984 by beating Hector Cortez by decision on 9 March in Las Vegas. Then, on 8 December of that year, he became boxing royalty by knocking out Wilfredo Gómez in round 11 to win the WBC featherweight championship. Behind on the three judges’ scorecards, Nelson rallied in that last round to become the champion in Puerto Rico.
Nelson held on to that title for three years. He could not fight for 9 months after the Gómez bout, but when he returned, he retained the title in Miami with a fifth-round knockout of Juvenal Ordenes in September 1985, and then in October of that year, he retained it again with a first-round knockout of Pat Cowdell in Birmingham, England.
The Cowdell knockout, in particular, became a highlight film material: Cowdell was left frozen on the canvas by Nelson’s knockout punch.
In 1986, he retained the title two times, beating future world champion Marcos Villasana and former Barry McGuigan challenger Danilo Cabrera (once again, in Puerto Rico).
In 1987, Nelson retained the title against Mauro Guitierrez, by a knockout in round six, and in a rematch with Villasana, once again, by decision. After the second fight with Villasana, Nelson abandoned the WBC title.
On December 1, 1963, Ghana made its first appearance as it hosted the Africa Cup of nations and won the title after beating Sudan 3- 0 in the final. Captain Aggrey-Fynn scored in the 62nd minute from the penalty spot. Edward “Sputnik” Acquah got a brace by scoring in the 72nd and 82nd minute.
Floyd "Klutei" Robertson born Floyd Clottey Quartey in Accra was a Ghanaian professional feather/super feather/lightweight boxer of the 1950s and '60s who won the Ghanaian featherweight title, West African Featherweight Title, and Commonwealth super featherweight title, which he won on November 26, 1960. He was also a challenger for the World Boxing Council (WBC) featherweight title, and World Boxing Association (WBA) World featherweight title against Sugar Ramos, and Vicente Saldivar, his professional fighting weight varied from 124 1 ⁄ lb (56.4 kg; 8 st 12.3 lb), i.e. featherweight to 135 lb (61 kg; 9 st 9 lb), i.e. lightweight. His lifetime record was 34 fights, 13 KOs and 4 losses. Undoubtedly, his most remembered fight was for the world title against Sugar Ramos, which he lost in a split decision in Accra in May 1964.
The Black Stars of Ghana won the 5th edition of African Cup of Nations in 1965. This was their 2nd successful outing at Championship of African Football (CAF). They defeated hosts Tunisia 3-2 after extra time. Just like in 1963, the field of six teams was split into two groups of three. Ghana retained its title. Osei Kofi was the best player of the tournament and stalwart mid-fielder Ben (Simmons) Acheampong was the top goal scorer of the tournament. Frank “VC 10” Odoi scored in the 37th and 96th minute and Osei Kofi scored in the 79th minute to secure Ghana’s 3 goals against Tunisia’s two.
With the arrest of the so called “Big Six”, the British Authorities seized the records of the UGCC leaders. The first were the minutes of the meetings of the working committee of the UGCC. These were basically the policy discussions of the Big Six. The British captured the organization’s minutes when arresting the Big Six.
The second was the document known as “THE CIRCLE,” which they seized from Nkrumah’s papers. They believed that he had become a Communist in London, despite his statements to the contrary. He intended to become the leader of a “Union of West African Soviet Socialist Republics.” They were certain that he intended to become the leader of a “Union of West African Soviet Socialist Republics.”
The final and official Watson Commission Report stated that the UGCC did not “really get down to business” until Nkrumah became general secretary. Nkrumah had been educated in Britain and the United States. The UGCC working committee minutes showed that the other members arrested with Nkrumah gave him carte blanche to use the UGCC organization as his own. This allowed Nkrumah to become the “real power” in the UGCC. The Coussey Committee was established to address the increasing demands by Gold Coasters for more representative government.
The Committee chaired by Sir Henley Coussey on constitutional change began its deliberations on March14, 1949 and on 7 November, 1949, the Coussey Committee Report was published. It made provisions for greater African representation in government but it stopped short of advocating or even suggesting self-rule.
While the Coussey report was comprehensive and generally accepted by political moderates, Nkrumah was furious because of its self-rule shortcomings. On November 20th, 1949, he called a mass rally at the West end Arena in Accra where he officially rejected the recommendations of the report. He announced formation of the Ghana Representative Council (GRC) as the principal body to initiate appeal against the report. The demanded the creation of a constituent assembly to create a constitution for immediate self-government for the Gold Coast as a British Dominion. He renewed his nationwide tour, calling on "all men of goodwill, organize, organize, organize. We prefer self-government in danger, to servitude in tranquillity. Forward ever, backward never". The chant "Self-government now" was taken up in every corner of the country. Plans were announced for a nationwide Positive Action strike to begin 1 January, 1950.
As far back as the early twentieth century, Nigerians had been well-established in Ghana and had contributed immensely to the socio-economic development of Ghana before and after independence. According to Cardinall, Nigerians constituted the largest single group of immigrants resident in Ghana as at 1931. Adepoju argues that Ghana’s relative affluence at that time had made her the “gold coast” for thousands of immigrants from West Africa, particularly Nigeria, Togo and Burkina Faso.2 The successful exploits of Nigerian migrants as traders, cocoa farmers, farm labourers and farm contractors, factory workers as well as menial workers in construction sites ensured a further influx of more Nigerians into Ghana between 1931 and 1960. Hence, the population of Nigerians in Ghana increased geometrically from 57,400 in 1931 to 191,802 in 1963. It is not surprising therefore that beginning from the mid-1960’s, the overwhelming migrant stock of Ghana’s population became a matter of concern for the indigenous Ghanaian population who subsequently mounted enormous pressures on government for increased participation of native peoples in the economic life of their country . The net result of this indigenization clamours by Ghanaians came to the fore towards the end of 1969 when the migrants became first-count scapegoats for the economic misfortune of large-scale unemployment that had befallen Ghana. These aliens, mostly Nigerians, were quickly accused of posing a threat to the economic survival of the country. In order to deal with the problem of Ghana’s economic malaise, attributed largely to the presence and dominance of the migrant stock in Ghana’s economy, government decided to introduce a number of intervention policies aimed essentially at controlling the number of immigrant population and restricting the exercise of certain activities by non-nationals. One of such policies was the “Aliens Compliance Order” of 18 November, 1969. Though the Order affected some migrants from other West African Countries such as Togo, Burkina Faso, and Ivory-Coast, a majority of the victims were Yoruba’s from South-Western Nigeria numbering about 140,000, out of an estimated 191,000 Nigerian immigrant stock in Ghana then. Ghanaians hailed the expulsion order which they regarded as “a patriotic move to garner jobs for Ghanaians and rid the country of crimes. It should be observed however that agitation for deportation of “aliens” or “strangers”, as the foreign migrants were referred to by Ghanaian natives, started around the mid-20th century. In 1932, during the cocoa hold-up crisis, the Nigerian cocoa farmers in Akyem Abuakwa opposed the local cocoa hold-up led by the king of the town against the European firms10. This instigated a far-reaching resolution of the town at a meeting of Okyeman in 1935. Then, the traditional council urged the colonial government to ensure that “troublemakers” (referring to the migrants) were kept out of Akyem Abuakwa. The resolution reads as follows: Okyeman consider that it is now time that people from Nigeria and other places should be made amenable to the customary laws of the various states in which they reside and that any act of insubordination on the part of any such strangers should, with the sanction of Government, be punished by deportation. As a follow-up to the above resolution, local business people in the town formed the National Crusade for the Protection of Ghanaian Enterprise which opposed the foreign entrepreneurs. Apart from these economically-instigated agitations for the expulsion of aliens from Ghana, championed by the citizens, there were also cases of officially-inspired deportation of individual Nigerians from Ghana between 1957 and 1961 for political reason. Under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah, pressures for the expulsion of aliens from the country were initially repulsed by the Ghanaian government, until on the 23 August, 1957 when the Convention Peoples’ Party (CPP) government passed the Deportation Act which made it legal for the government to expel all foreigners who were deemed “a threat to the nation”13. The axe of the Deportation Act fell on some wealthy Nigerians like Alufa Osman Lardan and Ahmadu Baba who were members of the opposition Muslim Association Party. The Ghanaian government deported them to Kano on 23 August, 1957. Other Nigerians expelled under the Act up to 1961 included Messrs. Samuel Faleye, Buliaminu Oni and Alhaji Raji Bakare. This period did mark the onset of expulsion of Nigerians from Ghana. But while these expulsions were targeted at particular individuals, the 1969 expulsion of aliens from Ghana marked the beginning of mass expulsion from the country. The expulsion order affected close to 200,000 aliens from Togo, Mali, Burkina-Faso and Nigeria.
From Aremu JO and Ajayi AT
Expulsion of Nigerian Immigrant Community from Ghana in 1969: Causes and Impact. In Developing Country Studies. Vol.4 No.10 (2014)
Brigadier-General Sir Frederick Gordon Guggisberg, KCMG, DSO, (20 July 1869 – 21 April 1930) was a senior Canadian-born British Army officer and British Empire colonial administrator. He published a number of works on military topics and Africa. In 1919, Guggisberg was appointed Governor of the Gold Coast. There he energetically undertook works of development and extension of railways, and created the deep-water harbour of Takoradi, superseding the use of surf-boats for handling traffic. In 1923 he commissioned the construction of Accra's Korle Bu Teaching Hospital, the finest and most modern institution of its kind in colonial Africa at the time. During his time in the Gold Coast, as during his time in Nigeria, Guggisberg was lucky to be able to benefit from the advice of the geologist Albert Ernest Kitson, who took a keen interest in developing local infrastructures. On November 17, 1919, he presented the first visionary plan of development for the Gold Coast.
In a vote of 70 to 25 the legislative assembly of the Gold Coast endorsed Kwame Nkrumah’s unitary form of constitution. This prompted the National Liberation Movement (NLM) and the Northern Peoples Party (NPP) to send a resolution to the Secretary of the Colonies on the 20th November to demand separate independence for Ashanti and the Northern Territories. In the British Parlaiment on November 6, 1956, The Queen said ...""A Bill will be introduced early in this Session to grant independence to the Gold Coast under the name of Ghana, and it is the intention of My Ministers that independence should take effect on 6th March, 1957. The Gold Coast Legislative Assembly have expressed the desire that Ghana should be an independent State within the Commonwealth."
British officials had first penetrated the area in the 1880s, and after 1896 protection was extended to northern areas whose trade with the coast had been controlled by Asante. In 1897 the Northern Territories were constituted a separate district of the Gold Coast hinterland, and were placed in charge of a chief commissioner. Colonel H. P. Northcott (killed in the Boer War, 1899-1902) was the first commissioner and commandant of the troops. He was succeeded by Col. A. H. Morris. In 1901 the Territories were made a distinct administration under the jurisdiction of the governor of the Gold Coast colony. The government was at first of a semi-military character, but in 1907 a civilian staff was appointed to carry on the administration, and a force of armed Constabulary replaced the troops which had been stationed in the protectorate and which were then disbanded. By 1890, both France and Germany were eyeing what now comprises the northern, upper west and upper east regions of modern Ghana. In 1898 the northern border of present-day Ghana was settled with France. The Northern Territories were proclaimed a British protectorate in 1902.
Prince Owusu Ansah and his cousin Owusu Nkwantabisa were delivered to the British in Cape Coast as part of the peace treaty with George Mclean on April 27, 1831. They were later sent to Britain educated and converted to Methodism under the guidance of George McLean. They returned to Ashanti in 1841 with the mulatto Wesleyan missionary Freeman and Brooking, another missionary. They began their work as missionaries in a very ambivalent environment. In November 1841 a small Methodist school and congregation was started in Kumasi and in the period between 1840 and 1850 the prince became an active promoter of the Methodist faith up to late December 1862. He functioned alone in this role in an environment in which Christianity was viewed with great suspicion. By 1850 Ashanti British diplomatic relations had soured and all European missionaries left Kumasi. From then Owusu – Ansah was left to carry-on single-handedly his missionary work until 1852 that Reverend Timothy Laing arrived in Kumasi to help the prince with the religious task. In April 19, 1853 the river and those ones I was stationed at Abakrampa which was the capital of the Fanti state of Abura, where he was a full-time Methodist minister in the Gold Coast District for the Wesleyan mission. In August 1854, Reverend Thomas Freeman who was the head of the Methodist Church in the Gold Coast appointed Owusu -Ansah as superintendent of Cape Coast schools. After his years as a pioneer of converting Asante to Christianity, he became more involved in Ashanti-British diplomacy. During the period in which he lived in Cape Coast, in 1873, the 6th Ashanti war broke out and with the British unprepared, the Ashantis were soon within 30 miles of Cape Coast. All Ashantis on the coast were suddenly suspected of aiding the enemy. In the book "The history of the Gold Coast and Ashanti" by Walton Claridge published in 1915, he reports that "this situation was the principal because the most disgraceful outrage in that town. A proclamation had been issued on 17 February 1873 setting forth that the government would not guarantee the safety of any Ashantis living within the Gold Coast protectorate. It warns them that if they remained they would do so at their own risk. It seems however that an exception was made in the case of those who had been living on the coast for any length of time, provided of course they behaved themselves. The news of the battle of Fanti Yankumasi and the near approach of the enemy, however, greatly alarmed and enraged the people of Cape Coast, who for some time past had been suspicious of Prince Owusu - Ansah on account of his nationality, and believed or professed to believe that he was secretly supplying the Ashantis with ammunition and at 2:30 on the afternoon of Sunday, 16 March mob led by W.E. Davidson, James Brew and James Amissah went to his house, seized some of his Ashanti servants, one of whom had been living in the protectorate for more than 22 years and dragged them to the beach. There, the heads of the four of these men were hacked off with cutlasses, one of the executioners being a woman. Some officers from the castle were seen approaching the spot and the crowd dispersed, taking the heads of the victims with them; but while the officers were still standing over the bodies, they returned, dragging yet another prisoner with them, and before anything could be done to hinder them, he too had been beheaded. In the meantime another party had wrecked and plundered Owusu-Ansah's house, and he and his wife and child being compelled to barricade themselves in an upper room or they too would probably have been murdered. Armed police were sent out to protect him and he was brought to the castle and lodged there for their safety; but public feeling against him run so high that a strong escort was needed again the next day when he went to the inquest. Evidence of willful murder was returned against some persons unknown but nothing more was ever done to punish the perpetrators for this outrage.
Although it was known that Davidson Brew and Amissah were the ring leaders who had headed the mob at Owusu-Ansah's house, it was found that it would be impossible to prove their presence on the beach or that they were privy to any intention to murder when they went to Ansah's house. It was also felt that the public feeling on the matter was so strong that there was no reasonable prospect of obtaining a conviction, even for a riot, from any jury that might be assembled in Cape Coast, and subsequently no proceedings were instituted against them. They were officially informed however that "Her Majesty's Government viewed with displeasure their participation in these disgraceful proceedings which led to the barbarous murder of five Ashantis that in ordinary times, it would have been the duty of the government to take steps to punish them for their part in the riot; but that, looking at all the circumstances of the moment, and the natural excitement and anger caused by the invasion, the government had refrained from giving directions for persecution." How much effect this intimation was likely to have on the three men concerned must be a matter of opinion but it speaks well for the king of Ashanti and goes a long way towards proving the honesty of his intentions that he did not immediately execute the missionaries and Fantis he had in Kumasi in revenge for these murders of his subjects. The people still had one of the wives of Kotiko the Ashanti ambassador and the boy in their power but they were given up a few days later and Prince Ansah was sent to Sierra Leone on 16 April for his own safety. Although his removal had been kept secret, it was discovered just as the boat pulled off to the steamer and a dense crowd of women assembled on the beach and denounced and cursed him with their customary force and fluency."
By 1878 he had returned to Kumasi and was acting as an adviser to King Mensa Bonsu and was thought to have deceived the king and given advantage to the British through forged documents. He continued with his diplomatic roles for Ashanti until his death in Cape Coast on 13 November 1884. Prince Owusu-Ansah was an example of an Asante royal who believed that the embrace of Christianity would not only enhance the spiritual power of Asante but would also bring peace.
Official operations of the exchange were scheduled to begin on January 1, 1991. The exchange was incorporated in July 1989 with trading commencing in 1991. It currently lists 42 equities (from 37 companies) and 2 corporate bonds. All types of securities can be listed. Criteria for listing include capital adequacy, profitability, spread of shares, years of existence and management efficiency. The GSE is located within the Cedi House in Accra.
Since its inception, the GSE's listings have been included in the main index, the GSE All-Share Index. In 1993, the GSE was the sixth best index performing emerging stock market, with a capital appreciation of 116%. In 1994 it was the best index performing stock market among all emerging markets, gaining 124.3% in its index level. 1995's index growth was a disappointing 6.3%, partly because of high inflation and interest rates. Growth of the index for 1997 was 42%, and at the end of 1998 it was 868.35 (see the 1998 Review for more information). As of October 2006 the market capitalization of the Ghana Stock Exchange was about 111,500 billion cedis ($11.5 billion). As of December 31, 2007, the GSE's market capitalization was 131,633.22 billion cedis. In 2007, the index appreciated by 31.84%
For more information: https://gse.com.gh/home
Nana Prempeh I (Nana Kwaku Dua III Asamu) landed at the shores of Takoradi on Tuesday, 11th of November, 1924. Following his surrender of his kingdom and his arrest 1896, he began 28 years of exile starting in Elmina then Sierra Leone and eventually in the Seychelles. He returned with the following, all bearing Christian names as they had all been baptized into the Anglican Church while in exile. He was baptized along with his mother on May 29, 1904. His party on return to the Gold Coast, included the following:
1. Akua Moobe – Bantama 2. Lucy Prempeh
3. Ernest Prempeh. 4. Robert Prempeh
5. Alice Prempeh. 6. Victoria Prempeh
7. Amma Kwahan – Mfensi. 8. Akosua Akyaa
9. Samuel Prempeh – Kumase. 10. David Prempeh – Mfensi
11. Amma Serwaa 12. Yaa Yennow – Kumase
13. Victor A. Badu. 14. Peter E A. Baidoo
15. Elizabeth Baidoo 16. Stephen A. Baidoo
17. Yaa Akuade 18. Paul A. Boaten
19. Jersey Baidoo 20. George K. Boaten
21. Henry Boaten 22. Smith Boaten
23. William Boaten 24. Thomas Boaten – Kumase
25. Regina A. Boaten 26. Josephine Kuffour
27. Sara Nkwantabisa – Akorkerri. 28. Frederick Nkwantabisa
29. Hilda Appia – Offinso. 30. Josephine Appia
31. Lucy Appia 32. Louise Appia
33. Williamine Appia 34. Evelyn Appia
35. Fredric Appia 36. William Appia
37. Samuel Appia 38. Robert Appia
39. Akranyame 40. George B. Asibe – Fomena
41. Aurielle A .F. Asibe 42. Aurielle Asibe
43. Davidson Asibe 44. George A. Asibe
45. Elizabeth Asibe
From Takoradi, the King and his people travelled by train to Kumasi on Wednesday, 12th November, 1924. At this time a smallpox epidemic was raging in Ashanti, so the government ordered that there should be no grand durbar for him. Despite the warning, Asantes from all parts of the state came in their numbers to meet their King. To avoid a great multitude of people of meeting him at the railway station, the train had to stop two miles from the city, where he was given a car in which he rode to the city. Even here he was met by jubilant crowd, all in white to signify jubilation and victory. Though the government specifically told him and the Asante Kingdom that he was coming back as a private citizen, according to Asante custom, he had to render a formal account of his period in exile to his people.
“I am not a film star,” said the Queen of England to Prime Minister Harold Macmillan. “I am the head of the Commonwealth and I am paid to face any risks that may be involved. Nor do I say this lightly. Do not forget that I have three children.” Thus Queen Elizabeth II agreed with Macmillan the previous week when he conveyed to her his Cabinet’s advice that she should carry out her royal visit to Ghana, despite a spate of bombing incidents in Accra protesting the rule of Kwame Nkrumah.
Undoubtedly the world’s most powerful woman at the time, the young Queen Elizabeth took a trip to Ghana in 1961; four years after the sub-Saharan nation had gained independence from her country. This visit witnessed parades and festivals in her honor with kings, queen-mothers, princes and a host of other nobles present to pay homage to the ruler of the commonwealth.
The visit was preceded by lengthy deliberations regarding risks because of a bombing campaign in Ghana by opposition operatives. Prime Minister Harold Macmillan's statement on November 8, was as follows: “… I thought it right that the Commonwealth Secretary should pay a second visit to Ghana. This has been done. He returned to this country this morning. My colleagues and I have had from him a full appreciation of the position based on his personal inquiries on the spot. “Of course, no Royal tour is without risk. Her Majesty knows this as well as any Member of the House. But she has never been deterred in undertaking previous tours because of the personal risk to herself which is inevitable, especially when great crowds are assembled. Happily, she has come triumphantly through these trials with the enhanced affection and admiration of all. “After considering carefully and anxiously all the information before us, collected and assessed by those best qualified to do so, the Government have reached the conclusion that the degree of risk attaching to this tour is no greater than those which have been present in many of Her Majesty's previous journeys. “There are those who will ask how this conclusion can be reconciled with the explosions which have taken place in Accra during the last few days. That was one of the questions which was in the forefront of my mind when I decided it would be right for the Commonwealth Secretary to visit Ghana again. “He has given us his first-hand assessment of the significance of these incidents. While he was in Accra he took the opportunity to tour the Royal route in company with President Nkrumah, and he saw for himself the unmistakable friendliness of the crowd. “We have also had the expert advice, based on a thorough investigation on the spot, of those in this country best qualified to do this sort of work. We have had the ready co-operation of the Ghanaian authorities. “I can assure the House that, on the information and advice available to them, the Government have formed the view that the explosions did not indicate any intention by those concerned to perpetrate acts of violence during the Queen's visit which would endanger Her Majesty's safety. We have, therefore, no reason to fear that this journey will involve any additional risk to Her Majesty's safety. “On the other hand, the cancellation of this visit, so long promised and awaited by the people of Ghana, would impair the invaluable contribution made by Her Majesty's Journeys to the strengthening of the ties which bind together the peoples of the Commonwealth. The Government have therefore advised the Queen that she should proceed with her visit to Ghana. “We of course at once informed the other Commonwealth countries, with whom we have been in touch throughout. May 1, therefore, on behalf of the whole House, send Her Majesty our warmest good wishes for the success of her West African tour and a safe Return" Replying to Mr. Turton (C.), Mr. Macmillan said that the Government had been in touch with all the Commonwealth Prime Ministers and had sent them personal messages; he thought he could say that no Commonwealth Government had expressed a contrary view. Mr. Gaitskell and other Members joined with the Prime Minister in wishing the Queen a “very happy and successful tour.” The Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh accordingly left London Airport in the morning of Nov. 9 on their 3,600-mile non-stop flight to Accra.
Between 1954 and 1957, violence, murders and bombings, orchestrated largely by the National Liberation Movement (NLM), attended much of the political life in the Gold Coast. However, the proximate incident that triggered the introduction of preventive detention, first proposed by the late Krobo Edusei – whose sister had been killed by N.L.M. terrorists and whose wife had been the victim of an N.L.M. bomb blasts – was the planned assassination of the Prime Minister by Modesto Apaloo, R.R. Amponsah and an Army Commandant, Captain Awhaitey. The former two, both members of parliament, were arrested on November 10, 1958 for their plot to kidnap and assassinate the Prime Minister and other key cabinet ministers.
David van Nyendael was born in Golkonda, India, to Jan van Nyendael, a Dutch East India Company employee in Dutch Coromandel, and Barbara de Wit, who, despite her Dutch name, was a local Indian woman. Jan van Nyendael had joined the Dutch East India Company as an apprentice sailor, but managed to climb the ranks to become chief of the Golkonda factory, probably helped by his talent for languages—aside from his native Dutch, he spoke Portuguese, Persian, Hindi, and a local language. Barbara died on 6 July 1677, and Jan died on 28 November 1682, making David van Nyendael an orphan at age 15.
After the death of his father, David van Nyendael left for the Dutch Republic, where he was received by his family, probably his uncle Gosvinus van Nyendael. Some time at the end of the seventeenth century, Van Nyendael employed himself at the Dutch West India Company. As there is no registration of Van Nyendael's application in the minutes of the Amsterdam chamber of the Dutch West India Company, he probably joined the company at the lower rank of assistant or provisional assistant.
Van Nyendael was installed as sub-factor, employed on ships sailing West Africa to ensure smooth barter trade with local peoples. During his second voyage to Benin, he visited the king of Benin in Benin City. His detailed description of this journey was included as an appendix to Willem Bosman's Nauwkeurige beschrijving van de Guinese Goud- Tand- en Slavekust (1703). His description of the kingdom remains valuable as one of the earliest detailed descriptions of Benin.
The Battle of Feyiase (1701) brought great changes in the power relations of the native African peoples on the Gold Coast. The Ashanti had defeated the Denkyira, with whom the Dutch were previously allied, and with whom they traded weapons. In an effort to improve relations with the Ashanti, Director-General Joan van Sevenhuysen sent Van Nyendael to the Ashanti court on 9 October 1701. Carrying gifts such as a plume hat, two gold plated mirrors, the latest European haute couture, and gold plated leather, Van Nyendael proposed to Ashanti king Osei Kofi Tutu I to trade directly with the Dutch.
Meanwhile, Willem de la Palma had replaced Van Sevenhuysen as Director-General in June 1702. De la Palma did not understand the rationale for Van Nyendael's mission, and called him back to Elmina. Van Nyendael returned to Elmina on 12 October 1702, but was fatally ill. He died eight days later, not able to write a report about his mission.
Although not very successful, Van Nyendael's visit marked the beginning of the Ashanti-Dutch alliance.
Den Heijer, Henk (2002). "David van Nyendael: the first European envoy to the court of Ashanti". In Van Kessel, W.M.J.Merchants, missionaries & migrants: 300 years of Dutch-Ghanaian relations. Amsterdam: KIT publishers. pp. 41–49.
Konadu made his professional debut on May, 5 1985. In his 15th professional bout, he defeated former champion Cesar Polanco to capture the WBC International super flyweight title.
On November 7, 1989, Konadu captured the WBC and Lineal Super Flyweight Title with a decision win over two-time champion Gilberto Roman. He lost the belt in his first defense to Sung Kil Moon by technical decision. The fight was a war with both fighters exchanging knockdowns, however, the action was stopped in the ninth round due to a head butt and Moon was declared the winner on the scorecards. He lost a rematch to Moon in 1991 by knockout.
Konadu scored 15 consecutive victories over the next four years, including wins over Juan Polo Perez, former champion Victor Rabanales, and Abraham Torres. On January 28, 1996, he became a two division champion by capturing the WBA Bantamweight Title in a TKO victory over Veeraphol Sahaprom, who would go on to become a long reigning champion. He again lost the belt in his first defense to Daorung Chuvatana by technical decision, but recaptured the belt the following year in a rematch. He defended the belt once before losing it to Johnny Tapia in 1998. He rebounded with a win over former champion Hector Acero Sanchez and retired in 2001 after being TKO'd by Daniel Seda. He now lives with his family in New Dormaa, Sunyani, Ghana.
Against the background of the decisive British bomardment of Elmina, effectively blocking Ashanti trade to the coast, Ashanti War Chief Amankwatia threatened British territory on the coast of modern Ghana, he was driven off at Essaman in October, then led a large-scale attack 15 miles inland at Abakrampa, held by Major Baker Russell. The Ashanti were repulsed with heavy losses and, as General Sir Garnet Wolseley approached with reinforcements, they retreated north through Amoafo (5–6 November 1873).
The Chiefs and the men had become so dissatisfied that they compelled Amankwatia to send messages to Kumasi asking the King to recall them but Kofi Karikari felt that he had been forced into this war by the ambition of these very chiefs and showed his resentment by saying "you wished for war and you have it. You swore you would not return until you could bring me the walls of Cape Coast, and now you want me to recall you because many chiefs have fallen, and you are suffering. It was not I, it was you who wished it. In due time I will send you an answer”.
This engagement occurred barely a month after the arrival Sir Garnet Wolseley who had taken the view of using almost exclusively British troops to subdue Ashanti once and for all. The “Sagrenti War” had just begun.
By mid- 1978 inflation in Ghana was thought to be at about 300%. In July Gen. I.K. Acheampong was deposed in a palace coup and Gen. F.W.K. Akuffo took over as Head of State and set into motion a demonetization program partly to address inflation and getting rid of large hordes of illegal, cedi holdings both in and outside the country and to further strengthen the currency by reducing the excess liquidity in the system. On March 5-9, 1979, by the Cedi (New Notes) Decree 1979 (SMCD) 226, people were made to send to the banks C100 in return for C70.00. However, all amounts in excess of 5,000 was to be exchanged at a ratio of 5:10, that is for every 100 after one has changed up to the tune of 5,000 he or she was to receive 50 of the new notes. Though by April 9, 1979 there was a reduction by 30% in excess liquidity, the policy did not work because inflation began to rise again
Earlier in October 1978, the effects of these measures especially the August devaluation had become pronounced as the prices of consumer goods doubled and even quadrupled in some cases. The hardships were felt by every segment of Ghanaian society; with the urban dweller being the hardest hit. Discontent became widespread among the people. It was therefore not surprising that between August and November 1978 the country recorded eight strikes involving over 70,000 workers. The most serious of the strikes were those by the workers of the postal services, the Electricity Corporation and GIHOC. The main aim of the strikers was to secure a pay rise to meet the cost of living which rose sharply after the August 1978 devaluation of the cedi against the US dollar.
Unable to manage the situation, the government on November 6, 1978, declared a state of emergency and passed the Emergency Decree of 1978 which outlawed strikes and other forms of protest and declared damage to property as a criminal act and against the security of the state. The government began to play down the effect of this situation by beginning to recruit new employees to fill the jobs held by the striking civil servants. The Decree also granted the government the right to detain people without trial restrict the movement of citizens and control property.
Mr. Kwesi Armah, Ghana’s High Commissioner to the UK, said in London on Oct. 22, on returning from a week's visit to Accra, that the suggestion by some M.P.s that the Queen's visit would be unwise was “just an imaginary conspiracy on their part.” There was “a fever of enthusiasm everywhere” in Ghana for the Queen's visit, and “no question” of President Nkrumah using the royal visit for political advantage. Fresh concern, however, was aroused in Britain following two bomb explosions in Accra on Nov. 4, the first of which blasted away the feet of the life-size statue of President Nkrumah outside Parliament House, and the second slightly damaged a storeroom at the foot of the large “Freedom and Justice” archway in Black Star Square, where the Queen was to take the salute at a military parade in her honor; a night watchman was injured in the latter explosion. These events occurred immediately prior to the British Commonwealth Secretary, Lord Duncan Sandy’s familiarization tour of Ghana ahead of a proposed Royal visit by Queen Elizabeth II, later that month.